Dr Deborah Phillips (School of Geography, University of Leeds)
Dr Peter Ratcliffe (Dept of Sociology, University of Warwick).
Dr Cathy Davis (South Bank University)
Mr Faisal Butt (University of Leeds)
Dr Rachael Unsworth (University of Leeds),
This research has looked at the shifting patterns of Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi settlement in Leeds and Bradford over the past two decades. We were especially interested in the level of movement out from traditional inner city areas of Asian settlement, the reasons for this movement, and the factors which have enabled or constrained this process. We examined where people settled when they moved and the nature of their housing aspirations and experiences. We also explored the importance of the established inner city communities and their amenities for different groups of people within the Asian population (e.g. men and women, older and younger people, those born in the UK as well as recent migrants).
The changing geography of Asians in Leeds and Bradford was mapped using a combination of census data and information from recent electoral registers. An analysis of distinctive names on the registers allowed us to identify people’s religious affiliation. The processes underlying the changing patterns of residence were explored through; interviews with 435 Asian households living in inner and suburban areas, focus group discussions, interviews with estate agents, mortgage lenders and key community contacts, and detailed discussions with households who were moving.
Two main types of house move have been taking place recently in the inner areas of Leeds and Bradford. Firstly, some Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi households have preferred to keep their house moves very local; in some instances, literally ‘down the street’. Secondly, other families have moved further away into more suburban property, although many have still retained strong links with the inner areas. So far, more Asian families in Leeds have moved to the suburbs than in Bradford. Sikh and Hindu families have tended to move outwards more than Muslim families, with Leeds-based Muslims having sub-urbanized more than Muslims in Bradford. This would seem to reflect the greater economic opportunities available within the more buoyant economy of Leeds as well as differences in the resources and housing preferences of Asians in the two cities.
There are small areas of inner Leeds and Bradford where, over time, strong and settled communities have developed, sometimes originating in one village in Pakistan or Bangladesh. But at the same time, and to a greater degree, there are far more areas where families from diverse backgrounds have moved and established friends and social activities which cross over specific cultural and religious backgrounds.
Some of those moving to more prestigious suburban areas are multi-earner households in less well paid jobs, but most are drawn from the professional or managerial groups. Where there are several full-time earners in the household, the younger members generally have the greatest earning capacity. It is common for those in outer areas to view their position as arising from increasing class differentiation within the Asian communities. They tend to see the inner areas as overcrowded and suffering from rowdiness from both white and Asian youth.
Growing sub-urbanisation has been paralleled by increasing numbers of shorter distance moves to areas of slightly better housing adjacent to the established Asian neighbourhoods. This expansion is partly a response to population growth. However, it also reflects a desire by some to loosen their day-to-day involvement with close-knit networks in the areas where many Asians live, whilst still maintaining community ties. This was especially important for some younger and UK-born members of the Asian population. As one young Bangladeshi women living in Bradford explained, “I don’t want to be bang in the middle of the heart of the Bangladeshi community, but yet I don’t want to be too far away”.
Although there is a trend towards outward movement, many Asians still see the established community areas as important for social and cultural reasons. A sense of attachment cut across social classes and spanned younger and older generations of Asians of all backgrounds, but was strongest amongst Muslim families. Elderly people and recent migrants (men and women) relied most heavily on the support networks of the inner community areas of Leeds and Bradford.
Two-thirds of respondents in outer areas said that they had maintained some links with people in the established areas of Asian settlement, or continued to visit cultural amenities there. For some, the certainty of continuing ties to family, places of worship and other community facilities had eased the transition from inner to outer areas. Personal mobility through car ownership was crucial, although this tended to increase the reliance of some household members (usually women and the elderly) on those who could drive.
Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi families who live in the inner city areas of Leeds and Bradford expressed both positive and negative views about their quality of life there. The majority of respondents complained about the rise of crime, vandalism and drugs, but valued the sense of community, social support and cultural amenities of these areas. While some households undoubtedly felt trapped by their poverty and fears about moving out (fears of isolation and harassment), others talked very positively about their inner city neighbourhood and saw no reason to move. This included some in managerial or professional occupations.
Families who had decided to move to the outer areas of Leeds and Bradford were mainly motivated by a desire for better quality housing, a more spacious neighbourhood, and better opportunities for their children (particularly better schools and a safer environment). Some families also wanted to live in an area where they could mix with more people from other religious and cultural backgrounds.
Seven out of ten interviewees thought that more Asians would move out from the established inner areas of settlement in the future, particularly into neighbourhoods where there were both Asian and white families. Just under a fifth of respondents thought that this movement would be prompted by the desire for greater privacy and independence, especially amongst the young. However, young Pakistanis and Bangladeshis in particular recognised that their family obligations were such that they might not move too far away.
Respondents living in the outer areas were generally very happy with their neighbourhood; half had no complaints about their area. However, our research also revealed the difficulty of satisfying the diverse and sometimes contradictory housing preferences of multi-generational households. Women and older people were the most likely to have to make compromises and perhaps tolerate less than ideal circumstances for themselves for an overall improvement in quality of life for the family. A sense of cultural and physical isolation was the most common problem.
Three out of four of the interviewees thought that there were certain areas of Leeds and Bradford that Asian people would avoid. These included “rough” areas (especially particular council estates) and neighbourhoods that were perceived to be “white”; white working class areas in particular were thought to be ‘out of bounds’ to Asians. Many worried about feeling unwelcome or isolated, or feared falling victim to racist abuse or harassment.
Fear of racist harassment continues to limit Asian people’s choice of housing and neighbourhood. Fifteen percent of the survey respondents said they had experienced harassment in their current neighbourhood, even though they had opted to live in areas they perceived to be safe. Several interviewees recalled how they were victimised when they first moved to the suburbs; “our house was targeted as we were the only Asians in the area when we first moved in.” Fear of victimisation was much more widespread and constrained mobility for some, particularly women.
Three-quarters of the survey respondents acknowledged the importance of living near to other Asian families. This shows up in patterns of settlement in both inner areas and the suburbs, where cultural and religious ties can influence families’ choice of where to live. However, when first moving into a predominantly white suburb, the presence of any other “Asian face” (irrespective of religion or background) was often felt to be reassuring and helped to overcome a sense of isolation.
Importantly, this research allows us to challenge the myth of Asian self-segregation that has entered many discussions about the recent disturbances in northern cities (including the Bradford Race Review in 2001). Many Pakistanis and Bangladeshis in particular like to live within easy reach of other family or community members so that they can help each other, eat meals together, and can easily organise cultural and family occasions. However, we found little evidence of an unwillingness to mix with others. One Pakistani mother in Bradford illustrated the feelings of many younger Muslim respondents when she said that she wanted her children to be brought up in a Muslim environment, but she wanted them to play with children from other religions as well.
Our research found that most Indians, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis would be happy to live in areas where both Asian and white families live, although many have reservations about living in ‘all white’ neighbourhoods because of fears about racism. Segregated patterns of living are not just a matter of choice. They also reflect constraints on where people can live, whether those constraints are a result of financial limitations, worries about harassment, or unequal opportunities in the housing market.
The research has shown that private housing market institutions do not put so many barriers in the way of Asian mobility as they used to. Indeed, most agents operating in areas of significant Asian sales and purchases welcome their business. Agents clearly see that outward movement is resulting in some streets becoming ‘Asian-dominated’ and undoubtedly communicate this fact to others in the market. We also uncovered anecdotal evidence that the choices of both whites and Asians could sometimes be constrained by agents directing potential buyers to certain areas. Some agents acknowledged that vendors very occasionally try to issue discriminatory instructions, although they were keen to assert that such attempts were firmly rejected. The interviews with Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi families revealed a continuing suspicion of estate agents and a limited use of agents’ services when searching for a property, especially in inner Bradford. Many families still relied on ‘for sale’ signs or used information from community members. Most of those using agents were satisfied with the outcome, but there were perceptions of unequal treatment amongst some families and a suspicion of vendor discrimination.
Three-quarters of respondents buying a property in the last 10 years had taken out a mortgage and were generally satisfied with the service received. Islamic restrictions on mortgage debt had not produced any significant difference in the use of conventional mortgages by Muslim families (because of lack of alternatives), although some had used ‘interest-free’ community loans to minimise their debts. A number of Pakistanis and Bangladeshis said they would prefer an Islamic mortgage, if available. This highlights the need for culturally sensitive institutional lending policies.
Recent race equality initiatives have attempted to tackle past discrimination and widen Black and Asian choices in the social rented housing sector. However, many Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi families still often see public sector institutions as essentially for whites, with this housing failing to meet their family needs in terms of size, design and location. Some larger council estates, particularly those on the periphery of Leeds and Bradford, were commonly viewed as places to be avoided because of fears about crime, drugs, youth gangs and the possibility of racist harassment. Some interviewees simply identified these areas as “not for Asians”.
This research has shown that Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi housing experiences and aspirations vary according to cultural and religious background, gender, age, generation and social class. This emphasises the need to recognize the differences hidden within the broad category ‘Asian’, which is so frequently used by policy makers, and the importance of moving beyond stereotypes of housing and area preferences.
This research was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council: award number R000238038. We are grateful to all the people in Leeds and Bradford who gave up their time to speak to us for this project and to the team of 31 interviewers who helped us to complete the household survey successfully.
Dr Deborah Phillips, School of Geography, University of Leeds.